For the first time in their history, Uruguayans will have a leftist president, thus breaking the right’s 174-year-old monopoly of power - alternated between the Partido Colorado (Red Party) and Partido Blanco (White Party). This time they could not compel a second election round since the Frente Amplio (Broad Front) overcame the 50% of the votes required to win the election.

The third attempt was the winner for oncologist Tabaré Vázquez, who had been Mayor of Montevideo in 1990 and presidential candidate in 1994 and 1999. In March 2005 he will initiate his term in office with good news: his party will control both parliamentary houses. Also, 62% of Uruguayans rejected the privatisation of water companies in a plebiscite carried out simultaneously to the national elections.   

Nobody would be surprised to find out that that the president of a country had worked as a doctor before leading the nation, but many would sure be shocked to learn that he intends to continue exercising this profession once into his presidential term. This is the case of 64 year old cancer specialist Tabaré Vázquez, who from March 2005 will become Uruguay’s first socialist president while continuing to attend his patients at his private clinic in Montevideo “to not lose touch with the people”, according to his own words.

All this will happen in Uruguay, a very particular country with a culture dominated by football, carnival, street musicians and mate (the traditional local herbs tea). Although currently undergoing a delicate social crisis, this is a well educated nation were only 3% of the population is illiterate, home to renowned artists and intellectuals such as Eduardo Galeano -an internationally acclaimed writer and journalist- who wrote of the October 31^st election: 

“A couple of days after the world’s president was elected in North America, there were elections and a plebiscite in and ignored and almost secret country of South America called Uruguay. The left won, for the first time ever, and the nation rejected the privatisation of water and confirmed that access to water is everyone’s right”.

A  very popular president

Tabaré Vázquez was born in a working class neighbourhood of Montevideo called La Teja, a former refuge for anarchist immigrants who arrived to the country at the beginning of the 20^th century. The neighbours still remember with nostalgia the days were a young Vázquez attended in the local hospital. That is why they regard him as their president.

Especially after his term as Mayor of Montevideo, were the poorest sectors were benefited by his policies. One of his celebrated measures was the implementation of a special public transport fare for students, children and pensioners.

This successful experience in a public position played in the Frente Amplio’s favour, assuring him from then onwards the support of the country’s capital - the party still runs Montevideo. It was also the starting point of Tabaré’s presidential career: he ran for office in the 1995 and 1999 elections.

During his first participation he came in second, after the Colorado candidate José María Sanguinetti. The second time he finished first in the votes cast with 40% of the voting but lost in the run-off to Colorado candidate and current president Jorge Batlle.

We must mention that the second round was introduced in the constitution by the two traditional right wing parties. This happened in 1996, when the ‘leftist threat’ was becoming hard to stop. The political manoeuvre paid off in 1999, but was not enough to stop Mr. Vázquez this time.

The consolidation of the Frente Amplio’s project

The Frente Amplio was born in 1971, when Uruguay was a very different country which had nothing to do with the current “country-in-intensive-care” where 30% of the population are poor and 55% of children do not cover their basic needs.

The current political stance of the Frente also differs with its original revolutionary posture, heavily influenced by the Tupamaro guerrillas.

Now the party holds more moderate positions. For example, they do not intend to stop paying the foreign debt and have announced that they will respect private property. “Our first measure will be to implement a social emergency scheme that incorporates the thousands of Uruguayans who have been left out”, explained the newly elected head of state.

The idea of the new government is to industrialise the country in order to reactivate the economy. It is true that this plan is similar to that of other Latin American countries, but the difference lies in the way the profits will be distributed. A fairer distribution of richness is expected.

The goals are much more modest than those proposed in 1971, however, the majority of the Frente remains Tupamara and is lead by José Mujica, a former guerrilla leader who spent 14 years in a military prison (1973-1985). This humble man is a singular character who arrives at the Congress House by motorcycle and sometimes wears sandals in Parliament meetings. He is one of the most beloved politicians in the country and has just been elected senator, after receiving 30% of all votes achieved by the Frente.

Going for a United Front Strategy

Historically, Uruguay’s economy has been tied to the luck of Argentina and Brazil, the two ‘monsters’ that surround it. In fact, the country’s last economic crisis was produced by the ‘domino effect’ of the Argentinean collapse of 2001. But the dependency is not only economical. Many regard a ‘regional change of mentality’ as essential for the country’s aspirations to benefit the poor.

In this sense, the highest expectations rely on the reinforcement of policies promoted by the Venezuela-Argentina-Brazil axis. Although the Frente’s project sure differs in practice and theory from those other countries’. As the Frentistas say, a ‘Uruguayan style’ change is about to come.

For example, Uruguay will differ from Venezuela in that it will not act aggressively towards international organisations nor will it be too identified with Cuba - though it will reinstate the currently suspended diplomatic relations with the island. Also, there will be no ‘Chávez style’ caudillo figure.

In opposition to Argentina’s Carlos Kirchner’s government, Vázquez explained that there will be no ‘assistentialism’ -in Argentina this is common practice since Peron’s rule in the fifties- but a scheme to help the unemployed in exchange for social work undertaken for the government. Another aspect that could set a difference is the ‘zero scandals’ policy that the government wishes to put into practice. This will be a challenge for all Uruguayans, much more politically aware then their Argentinean neighbours.

Finally, when compared to Brazil’s Workers Party (PT) administration, the Frente’s leaders promise to remain united no matter what - Lula’s party’s more radical wing felt betrayed by his political stance once he took office and withdrew him their support. Regarding this, Senator Mujica said: “The PT’s situation will not be repeated inside the Frente because whoever leaves the government looses, there is nothing outside the party.”